Karachi tops in HR violation

The government informed the National Assembly on Thursday that Karachi topped in human rights violations committed in the country during 2008 followed by Lahore, Peshawar and Quetta.
Human Rights Minister Syed Mumtaz Alam Gilani said that 5,140 cases of human rights violations were recoded in the country with Karachi at the top with 2,102 cases. A total of 1,695 such cases were recoded in Lahore, 715 in Peshawar and 628 in Quetta.
There were 690 cases directly reported to the ministry, according to the written reply to a question asked by Chaudhry Barjees Tahir.
The minister said that the information was based on press reports and complainants lodged with the ministry and related departments.
To a supplementary question, he said that lack of education and practising of certain traditions were the main causes of human rights violations in Sindh.
In Punjab, however, personnel of the law-enforcement agencies were found behind the rights violations committed in the province.
Responding to other parts of the question, the minister said that all the cases had been sent to relevant home departments, DPOs, RPOs and IGs for investigation.
He said that a National Human Rights Coordination Committee had been set up under the chairmanship of a minister and interior secretary and provincial ministers in-charge of human rights departments as its members.
Likewise, provincial ministers responsible for human rights are heading provincial human rights committees and they have been tasked to form such committees at the district level.
The National Assembly was informed that officials from the federal ministry and regional directorates visited prisons, hospitals and schools on a regular basis to get information about victims of human rights violations and chalk out plan for their redressal.

Not enough women

Female police cadets perform a march-past during the pasing out pasing out parade of Head Constables at Police College Sihala, Rawalpindi.

A report from Karachi about the failure of the police department to attract female officers in sufficient numbers should cause policymakers to give serious thought to the matter.
With growing public awareness of the rights of women, the need for a women’s police force has come to be recognised and posts for one created accordingly. Its presence is needed more than ever for staffing women’s police stations and to accompany male colleagues for house searches or for guard duties during processions and public gatherings. While the presence of female contingents on such occasions is essential — especially when the police is interacting with women — it is also important to explode the myth that women cannot perform as well as their male colleagues on other occasions.
Meanwhile, their disinterest in this service is intriguing at a time when unemployment rates are high and female participation in the national labour force is on the rise. This phenomenon needs to be probed objectively and corrective measures taken.
The police department has claimed that women do not respond in spite of the incentives that are offered to them. The fact is that most of the incentives are in monetary terms and puny. They do not compensate for the anti-women environment in the police service. For instance, the glass ceiling for women in the police department is much lower and their rise to the higher echelons of the police bureaucracy is actively discouraged. They are not provided the facilities which they genuinely need, such as transport when on duty during late hours. Moreover, the behaviour and language — often abusive and oppressive — of their male colleagues discourage many new entrants.
If women have to be attracted to the law-enforcement agency and retained, it is important that all members of the police service at all levels are sensitised to the needs of their female colleagues which they are not at the moment. Drawn from a society that has yet to shed its pro-male biases, not many police officers or the rank and file of the force is aware of the compulsions of gender equality. Moreover, training courses will also have to be upgraded so that both men and women learn modern investigative and law-enforcement methods as well as the norms of social interaction without violating the dignity of others. Women would then also be expected to respond and prove their capacity to perform as well as their male colleagues.

Bloody cockfights continue unabated

The sport is my only source of livelihood, I also make money by taking care of birds that get injured during the fight,’ said fight organizer.

As a rule, cockfights are held in villages and small towns of the province after the fight organisers, who are usually the owners of the fighting roosters, offer police part of the booty.
They bet thousands of rupees on the fighting birds and encourage cheering crowds to do the same to help them earn more in case their cock takes the field.
Despite a ban on cockfights under the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act 1890 the blood sport continues to be held at a smaller scale in many areas of the district, particularly Kario Ghanwar, Mataro Hotel and main villages of Golarchi, Tando Bago and Matli.
‘The sport is my only source of livelihood, I also make money by taking care of birds that get injured during the fight,’ Noor Mohammad Chang said.
The combatants get injured by the spars, which are fitted with sharp pointed objects, almost two inch long. At times, what enables a rooster to carry the day is his first attack on the unsuspecting opponent rather than his strength, he said.
He said that a cockfight can last from several minutes to half an hour. However, the fighting roosters are separated and made to rest like pugilists every 5 to 10 minutes, he said.
They use a mixture of salt, sugar and water to soothe injuries of the rooster and if the wounds are not critical he is again thrown into the fighting field to resume the fight, which continues till one of the birds either dies fighting or leaves the opponent handicapped. Sometimes, both the birds die from fatal wounds. The critically injured birds, if they recover, are then used for breeding.
Every bird owner has his own formula for preparing feed for the rooster but the rule of thumb is that the feed should contain ingredients, which makes the roosters strong but not fat.
Urs Mallah said that a small quantity of pistachios, almonds, milk, boiled eggs and apple were given regularly specially to trained roosters. The cocks were massaged and made to jog every day to build up stamina, he said.
A tall bird with small eyes, a long tail, thin legs, medium-size neck, a small crown and a spur close to its big claws is sold for Rs30,000 and an untrained cock costs between Rs600 to Rs1,500.
To Mallah it was painful to see cockpits in different localities being raided by police. ‘This traditional sport is not only a poor man’s game but the rich also get attracted to it so as long as they frequent cockpits without fear,’ he said.
Gul Mohammad, a villager, said that no authority was ready to take action under the law, hence the blood sport continued. Neither, any non-governmental organisation has given any attention to it.
Maqsood Ahmed Chandio, local president of a rights association, said that according to law, any person inciting any animal to fight or baiting any animal or aiding or abetting any such incitement of baiting can be punished with fine which may extend to Rs100.
‘Isn’t it a cruel joke, considering the brutality to which the birds are exposed and the huge money bet on this sport,’ he said.
He suggested that the fine should be more than Rs70,000. Fights between cocks, partridges, dogs, wild hogs and bears were common in the province as in many cases they generated millions of rupees through betting, he said.

Gun Culture

In Karachi, every two-bit lout is harassing citizens ever since the PPP took over.

THE gun culture feeds on itself. Criminal gangs vying for ascendancy need weapons with which to kill their adversaries. Ordinary citizens acquire guns, mostly on a legal basis, because they feel insecure and wish to protect themselves and their families from the armed felons who roam our streets. More and more unemployed people are becoming convinced that easy money is to be made if you have a gun and the temerity to point it at someone’s head. The Sindh home minister insisted on Friday that supply routes must be checked if the menace of illegal arms in the province is to be curbed. It’s not as simple as that. Weapons are supplied because there is a demand for them in Sindh. Otherwise it wouldn’t happen. People who kidnap others for ransom don’t carry licensed weapons. The unlicensed, illegal weapons that reach Sindh are earmarked not just for criminal gangs or terrorist organisations. Factor in, if you will, workers of political parties that are perpetually at odds with their foes. We live in a climate of fear and revenge. Guns come into that, and what the Sindh government needs to do is tackle both the suppliers and the users.
Then there is the matter of status. People of an inbred nature abound in this country, people who somehow feel gratified when their minions point their weapons at you when you pass them by in your humble vehicle of choice. Pure machismo is what it is, a semi-literate feeling of importance that is the preserve of not just the feudals but now also of those who claim to oppose that mindset. What happened to the ban on the display of weapons? In Karachi at least the situation has taken a turn for the worse since the PPP government took over. Every two-bit lout is harassing citizens now, on account of his purported connections and the flag on his car. People who look like they have been plucked from a medieval age flaunt their weapons in your face and, in clear violation of the law, don’t have a registration plate either. Such uncouth displays do not sit well with the aims and objectives of a popularly elected government. If the Sindh government is serious about cracking down on the gun culture, it needs to take into account both supply and demand. Those who fire the guns are the killers. Pick them up first.

Denial of human rights

Protests against the government and its policies were generally given free reign within reasonable boundaries.

IT was a year that can be neither condemned wholesale nor praised outright where human rights were concerned. While some improvement was seen in 2008, the balance tilted largely in favour of the unacceptable. True, some progress was made year-on-year, but it should be considered that a military dictator called the shots in 2007. It stood to reason that the outlook of elected politicians would be less draconian than that of a general who usurped power through a military coup. But what was actually achieved in 2008 fell far short of the enviable.
One possible reason was that the new government fell victim to stasis early on in its tenure. It remained locked in political intrigue and failed to address the concerns of the people. Then there were the problems it inherited: rampant militancy, worsening law and order, economic instability, soaring inflation and growing underemployment. In short, the government couldn’t cope and the need to uphold human rights fell by the wayside for the most part. First the positives, for the list is short. Protest was permitted, as one would expect in a democracy. There were no direct attempts to silence the media and freedom of expression, which had been muffled by the 2007 emergency, was allowed freer rein. Yet the government could not protect journalists from murderous non-state actors, and there were accusations too of officials harassing media persons. In a welcome move, the government admitted that the list of the ‘disappeared’ still ran to more than 1,000 persons. But as the latest World Report published by Human Rights Watch points out, 'negligible progress [was made] in resolving cases and recovering victims'.Human Rights Watch also questions the independence of the judiciary in Pakistan, which by extension has a bearing on access to justice, a basic right. There was no let-up in 2008 in violence against women and young girls. In a shameful move, a senator who had justified honour killings and a legislator who stood accused of presiding over a jirga that ordered the handing over of five girls to settle a dispute 'were elevated to Pakistan’s cabinet by President Zardari'.
Meanwhile, the state stood helpless as militants in Swat and the tribal areas stripped women of fundamental rights, and denied both boys and girls the right to an education of their own choice. Military operations and US strikes in the tribal belt claimed civilian lives and resulted in the mass displacement of residents. Discriminatory laws remained on the books and religious minorities continued to be targeted with impunity. Reports of torture by security agencies remained all too routine. Promises were made that death sentences would be commuted to life imprisonment but nothing came of that pledge. Clearly, 2008 was not a banner year for human rights in Pakistan.

Plight of the displaced

Local residents carry a woman, injured in the fighting between security forces and militants, as they flee from an area of the Swat Valley.

IT was Swat first. Then came Bajaur followed by Mohmand. These areas have witnessed the exodus of a large number of people since August 2008. As the war on terror has escalated in response to the Taliban’s intensification of militant activities, the civilians caught in the crossfire have become the hapless casualties of this terrible conflict. Now it is estimated that there are nearly 100,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in dire straits in 11 camps in the NWFP. Many more have fled their homes but since they have taken refuge with relatives and friends their accurate numbers may never be known.
It is not just the trauma of homelessness that is devastating. They also have to suffer the hardship brought on by the lack of basic amenities, such as adequate shelter, sanitation, water and food supplies, and medical care. Small wonder the reports that emanate from the IDP camps do not generally inspire hope and confidence.
Recognising the human rights violations that accompany displacement of people – families are broken up, employment and education are disrupted, and socio-cultural ties are cut – the UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, adopted in 1998 a document setting out guiding principles on internal displacement. These 30 principles state that IDPs have certain basic rights, the most important being their claim to equality with other citizens, and are entitled to adequate living standards for which the government must provide protection and humanitarian assistance. Hence the authorities are duty-bound to take care of displaced persons in the NWFP, who have been affected by failed government policies. Seen against this background, the failure of the various departments to coordinate their working and generate resources for IDPs cannot be condoned. Moreover, the guiding principles also speak of the primary responsibility of authorities to ‘establish conditions, as well as provide the means, which allow IDPs to return voluntarily, in safety and with dignity to their homes’. How aware are we of these principles? Hardly, it would seem, as the government appears to lack the will and resources to honour them fully.
Another matter of serious concern is the long-term responsibility of the government vis-à-vis the displaced. Not only should they be rehabilitated once peace returns, it is also important that sufficient uplift projects be undertaken in the affected areas so that the returnees can look forward to a brighter future. So far there is not much happening on the ground to give rise to such optimism. Caught between the devil and the deep sea, many IDPs have found their homes blown up by the army while militants appear averse to allowing any official development projects to be undertaken. This is a dilemma that must be resolved.

Drainage scheme failed due to lack of commitment

Pakistani youngsters play in a drainage channel after heavy rain fall in Islamabad, Pakistan.

The Asian Development Bank has said the National Drainage Programme could not be implemented because of a lack of commitment on the part of the federal and provincial governments.
The agricultural development project was estimated to cost $185 million, a larger chunk of which was to be provided by the ADB and World Bank.

The project was taken up in 1998. However, only $31.14 million was spent and only three of its 28 components could be completed.Seven components of the project were partially completed and the remaining 18 were not undertaken, says a report of the ADB’s Operations Evaluation Department.

The bank has presented a bleak picture of the drainage programme, which is part of the government’s 25-year drainage investment envisaged in 1993 under the Drainage System Environmental Assessment.

The ADB and World Bank were to provide loans for the project and the government and some institutional investors were to share the cost.

The report blames insufficient commitment of the Water and Power Development Authority and the provincial irrigation and drainage authorities to carry out reforms in their own organisations for the failure of the project.

It points out that in the NWFP and Sindh, some of the maintenance and rehabilitation works had not been sustainable, and drains reverted to their pre-works conditions by the time of completion of the project. The reluctance of the implementing agencies to comply with land acquisition and resettlement framework agreed to as part of the project designs was one of the hurdles.

The report has also termed ADB’s own performance ‘unsatisfactory’. It observed that although the bank sent 12 special loan administration missions, six loan review missions and a mid-term review mission, the project implementation ‘failed to improve’.

In Balochistan, the project’s component included (a) rehabilitation of about 20km of sub-drains and construction of new on-farm drainage facilities for about 2,000 hectares, (b) modernisation of the management of the Pat Feeder canal system, (c) rehabilitation of selected distribution canals, and (d) performance contracts for about 300km of drains. Pilot initiatives for decentralisation of system management were also included.

In the NWFP, the sub-component comprised (a) the transfer of about 220 shallow tube-wells (STWs) in fresh groundwater areas, rehabilitation of about 300 km of sub-drains and construction of new on-farm drainage facilities for about 2,500 hectares, (b) modernisation of the management of NWFP’s major canal systems and rehabilitation of selected distribution canals, and (c) performance contracts for about 1,700km of drains and about 60 STWs, as well as pilot initiatives for decentralisation of system management.

In Sindh, the only component involved was rehabilitation and improvement of about 400km of sub-drains, transfer of about 1,300 STWs in fresh groundwater areas, replacement of STWs in saline groundwater areas, and construction of new on-farm drainage facilities for about 2,500 hectares.