Terror and the Media

Since the mass explosion of electronic media in Pakistan, the war on terror, being chiefly fought on Pakistan's north western borders, has finally arrived in drawing rooms, bedrooms and autaqs of common Pakistanis with all its shocks and horror.

The gory drama of suicide bombings live on television screens makes a good story, certainly not for the victims but for many of the viewers. And thus thrives not only the electronic media but also the print media. With regard to the coverage of certain events in the media, many English newspapers in Pakistan follow a different style as compared to Urdu newspapers. It makes an interesting reading how important (or unimportant) issues are highlighted in the Pakistani media, the subjects that are not brought to light and the impact that they may have on the common psyche.

Consider the following.

First, the matter of war on terror is certainly very important for the country. So, how do you label the people who attack your armed forces, sensitive installations and kill innocent civilians? Enemies? The Pakistani media, one would be surprised to learn, calls them miscreants and extremists but not terrorists and enemies. In fact, several Urdu newspapers still run columns supporting them. The argument is that Taliban are after all Pakistanis and (pious) Muslims and somebody else is attacking the armed forces. To some extent, this may also be true. But it is interesting to note that for the media a young man who burns tyres on street to protest load-shedding is a miscreant and so is a Taliban brutally killing Army personnel, slaying women and destroying girls' schools, CD and barber shops. Should this continue under the banner of the freedom of the press? Or should it not in the greater good of the society and the country? Where should the line be drawn?

The second issue is that of Balochistan, the most deprived province of Pakistan. It is true that the Baloch people deserve more funds for their development and perhaps all provinces more powers to run their affairs. But what is the role of the media on Balochistan? We again find in the media so-called miscreants blowing up pipelines, pylons and killing innocent settlers. It is good that the media talks about the rights of the people and their deprivation. But what is generally missing is the condemnation of subversion acts and answers to scores of important questions. Who is (financially and militarily) supporting the BLA? What has been the history of those running the organisation? Should the system be blamed for the problems or the country?

Third, the issue of nuclear scientist Dr Qadeer Khan has been making headlines over the past several years. The media is highlighting aspects of the case such as the suffering of the scientist because of his isolation at his home, the contributions the scientist made to Pakistan's security to which there is no denying, the ailment he is suffering from and how India made its top nuclear scientist its president while we had to put ours under house arrest. Is there any other side to it? Shouldn't the media also explore that some charges, if not all, against Dr Khan may have a ring of truth in it? Did Musharraf, despite all his faults, not handle AQ Khan's case sensibly in Pakistan's best interests? Were Dr Khan's recent interviews to the media in the interest of Pakistan and its nuclear programme? Can he be allowed the freedom to roam the country at will? The media, following the populist views, has, by and large, conveniently ignored such questions.

Finally, there is the case of Dr Aafia Siddiqui. While it is unfortunate that she happens to be under the American custody, one's heart especially goes out to her children who have done nothing wrong. The media, in particular Urdu, have taken up her cause and rightly so. Why was she taken away and her whereabouts not revealed till now? And where are her children? But at the same time, the media has failed to address several relevant questions. Why among 80 million women of Pakistan was Dr Aafia singled out and handed over to the Americans? Which religious party does she belong to?

Warns a prominent Karachi psychiatrist Dr Ajmal Kazmi that because of repeated telecast of gory incidents, patients suffering from depression and anxiety are facing relapse, cases of post stress traumatic disorder (PSTD) are increasing alarmingly and 10 to 12-year-old children are adopting aggressive ways. With around 50 per cent Pakistani population under 18, Kazmi's clinical observations are pertinent. The time for the media, both print and electronic, to draw the line in reporting and analysis, adopt balanced coverage and, in a highly fractured society, determine where the buck stops, is here.

My Cultural Values (Pukhtoonwali)

Ghani Khan (renowned Pukhtoo poet) said;

“Pukhtoon loves fighting but hates to be a soldier, love music but has great contempt for the musician, he is kind and gentle but hates to show it, loves his new rifle and his old wife, hot-blooded and hot-headed, poor and proud with strange principles, might be a loving friend or a deadly enemy in general he is the most simple complicated simplicity.

James W. Spain in his book “The way of the Pathans” says “The thing which governs life in the hills, where a Pathan is a Pathan and nothing else matters. Foremost of these is ‘Pukhtoonwali’, the way of the Pathan, sometimes called the Pathan code”.
Imran Khan, world famous Pakistani cricketers, says in his book ‘Warrior Race’, “The word Pathan is a distortion of the word ‘Pakhtoon’ broken down; this word means Backbone Loyalty, hospitality, bravery and honour. The Pathan culture is based around these principals, which are enshrined in a code of honour known as “Pukhtoonwali” or the ways of Pathans. A Pathan is recognized by other Pathans not so much by racial characteristics as by his adherence to Pukhtoonwali. If he does not follow the code, he is not a Pathan and the wilder the tribes, the more strictly they adhere to the code of honour”.
Muhammad Nawaz Tahir in his paper ‘The Pathans’ says “Pashto not only is the language of these peoples but it has got another specialty which is rare with other languages of the world, it is actually also the name of the code of life of the Pathans. Therefore when we talk of Pashto it is not only the language that is signified but it simultaneously has been prevailing in the society of the Pathans since times immemorial. Thus Pashto, Pashtoon and Pashtoonwali are a triangle, which makes the identity of this race”.

Characteristics/Commandments/Principals of Pukhtoonwali (Pashtoonwali)

Pukhtoonwali is complete code of life or unwritten constitution. Some of these principals are fundamentals of their tradition. Man attributes or constituents of Pukhtoonwali are:

Mashar Kashar:

It is respect and honour for elders irrespective of any distinctions and regards for the youngsters. Youngsters must respect their elders in all walks of life. The remains calm; to hear their words and to act according their directions; not to set among the elders; to stand upon their arrival and to seek permissions in almost all affairs of life etc. On contrary, the elders are to regards them.

Melmastia:

Melmastia is hospitality, which is the most significant part of the Pukhtoon’s social life. It is extended to the guests and even to the enemy. The nature and lavishness of the hospitality depends upon the economical or financial status of the host. A poor Pukhtoon is to serve, his guest, cups of tea and rich puts his house on the disposal of the guest and offer him a whole sheep. The nature of the food may be varying from family to family but the offer is full of faith and love. Dastarkhwan (often-hospitality) determines the social status and personality of the host. A person if becomes a guest, he is on the disposal of the host and is respected by the whole villagers and they all try to entertain the guest. It is the source of honour for the host if his gust is given due respect by the community members.

Nang:

English word for ‘Nang’ is chivalry. It is the Pukhtoons’ tradition to have stand on any issue, on individual, on friend or on a decision. The never compromise on the issues on which the y once have stand. In case of nang, they offer any sacrifice that may be sacrifice of life. In the entire world, perhaps it is the unique code of life that is profoundly followed and respected by the Pukhtoon’s.

Trabgani:

Trabgani is the rivalry between cousins. The very base of their mutual rivalry or confrontation is to secure the equal status, respect in the society, resources and land distributions. But in hard times on their cousins they aside trabgani and fight against the common enemy. This is why it is said “brother offers his head for protecting the honour of his brother but never offer a single penny”.

Dushmani/Dusthi:

Enmity and friendship are the other strong traditions in the Pukhtoons social setup. The basic causes of enmity are zar (gold), zan (woman), zamaka (land). Dushmani are sometimes start from a very simple evil or wrong done and spreads from one generation to the other causing fatal destruction of property and lives. The feuds engulf the whole community making the environment very sad.
As the Pukhtoons are very serious in their dushmani similarly their attitude in friendship is very strong. They never hesitate to any sacrifice for the protection and honour of their friends. This is the reason why the great Pukhtoon poet Khushal Khan Khattak says that “I (being representing the Pukhtoons) is more hard than iron and tall up to sky in my determination and enmity but too polite and weak like dirt of the earth in the friendship”.

Nanawati:

The feud or dushmani ends only after one or both opponents ruin or wiped out. Mutual enmity may be terminated when the weaker group offer itself to the enemy and put his fate on the mercy of the enemy. In some of the tribes, women carry the Holy Quran on their heads and offer sheep to their enemy. It is on the disposal of the enemy to forgive or demand money as compensation for blood. Third party mediates in such cases. ‘Nanawati’ is a code which simply means request for forgiving and accepting superiority and will of the stronger opponent.

Swara:

Swara is compensation for defusing the feud by means of getting a girl of the accused family married to the bereaved family. When one of the parties is superior in murder or a party is fed of continuous feud they try to stop it and if other party accepts to marry their girl, it is swara.

Badal:

Badal means ‘revenge’. It is the obligation to take revenge of a wrong-done with him, his family or tribe. The Pukhtoons have no care of law in this connection and nor care any terrible consequence. Their satisfaction desires revenge. Sense of revenge is a fundamental source of continuation of the feud. If destruction is in harmony on both the sides, chances of settlement listen.

Tiga:

Tiga is truce. It is a well-established code of life in tribal areas that a group of elders stop the rivalry and bloodshed. Any party violating truce or tiga is given severe punishment by the elders. It is an impressive way to stop the mutual destruction and spread of feud from generation to generation.

Panah:

It is asylum or to secure protection by a person against the grip of law or strong enemy. It is then the responsibility of the person to provide security and protection even by sacrificing his life. In this case the person providing asylum extends his full assistance and co-operation.

Thapoos:

Thapoos is another commandment of Pukhtoonwali. It is information regarding welfare. People individually and collectively visit the patients to ask and pray for his health. Thapoos is used in another sense that an accused is asked to clarify his position for a wrong-done.

Badraga:

Security of travel is called badraga. It is one of the well famous traditions, especially in tribal areas, that the guests are accompanied while traveling towards their homes. During such travels, it is the responsibility of the host to ensure complete security and it is his honour. Badraga is a social tradition to ensure secure traveling of the guests. Any problem during the travel in the area of the host is then the issue of honour and hosts then never remain silent spectators.

Thoor:

When a person is blamed for a wrong-done, it is ‘Thoor’. It is to dishonour a community member. The blamed person leave no stone unturned to restore his honour and tries his best to erase the baseless blame. It sometimes becomes a source of continuous feud and even reaches its peak in the form of bloodshed.

Sharam:

It is threat to one’s grace and honour. When one is accused of committing an immoral activity, it is Sharam. It, like thoor, is a source of ceaseless dushmani or feud. In such cases Pukhtoons never compromise easily.

Peghor:

Taunt or peghor is to memorize one his wrong-done or weak position of one’s family or family member in the past. It burns the blood or to fan the ember already cooled down. It compels a Pukhtoon to take revenge just to counter “Peghor”. Taunt is to work like petrol on a burning fire. Peghor is generally served to defame one or to break one’s evolution and development which is a source of inconvenience for others.

Hujra:

Hujra is a center of social gatherings and activities in the Pukhtoons society. Male section of the community use to set together in Hujra to discuss daily affairs. It is similar to a common club for men of all category of age and is a guest-house. It is a kind of community hall where functions of condolences and marriages etc are arranged. Hujra is a training institution where the youngsters hear to life experiences of the elders. Every village has a Hujra and it is generally a joint property.

Jirga:

Majority of constituents of Pukhtoonwali are similar to the codes of Islam. The Pukhtoons deals their daily affairs by mutual consultation. Jirga is the council of elders, which makes decisions regarding various social issues and the Pukhtoons have no alternative but to accept the decision. Women are also consulted if necessary. Its decisions are commonly unanimous and are highly respected by the concerned parties. Jirga system is based on democratic norms, everyone is give full opportunity to explain and clarify his position.

Lashkar:

The Pukhtoons are great ’warriors’ and they are fond of arms. In the English language equal terms of the Lashkar is ‘war-party’. It is the collective armed attack on a joint enemy resulting general murder and to set on fires the house or houses.

Ashar:

It is the joint action of the relatives, friends or villagers in the daily activities, particularly in farming. It is the collective assistance to produce ease in the daily activities.


Pukhtoonwali is a complete code, composite of values and virtues adopted by a Pukhtoon making him an ideal social being. Any act or action which is in confrontation with their idealism or which may termed as social immorality in the Pukhtoons society is called “Bay-Pukhtoo” means against the Pukhtoo. Pukhtoonwali is the identity of the Pukhtoons and a Pukhtoon according to Ghani Khan (Famous Pukhtoo poet) Pukhtoon is the most simple complicated simplicity.

Traditional Barrier

A case study of Landikotal to depict the dismal state of girls' education in the seven tribal agencies...

There are virtually no educational facilities for women in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), though successive governments have made tall claims in this regard. Even though FATA has been the focus of the national and international media during the last seven years, nothing has been done to promote education in the seven tribal agencies.
The extent of the government's inability to develop women education in the area could be gauged from the example of Khyber Agency where many girl students like to get education but there is no support from the government. The basic problem in the area is lack of schools and colleges besides the absence of qualified staff. Landikotal, a known town in Khyber Agency, lying in close proximity to the provincial metropolis, had only one girls' higher secondary school to cater to a population of 350,000. This school, which was initially established as a primary school was upgraded to a middle school in 1969, to matriculation in 1975 and to higher secondary in 2003. There are 846 students in the school; the students' strength is higher in grades one to eight, but low in higher classes.
Authentic data of an education survey unfortunately shows that every year only one percent of girls manage to reach graduation level due to lack of facilities, strict Pakhtun environment, poverty and un-availability of degree and postgraduate colleges in Landikotal.
Those girls who want to pursue their education either shift to Peshawar or to other cities after passing intermediate; however, this depends on their families' economic conditions.
Female teachers are mostly hired from Peshawar and other districts of the NWFP due to non-availability of locally trained and qualified teachers. Those who are teaching are facing problems ranging from inconvenient transport, boarding and lodging to being grossly underpaid.
"We face problems in school attendance, and we don't receive our salaries on time," says Zahida, a senior certified teacher. "Given the tribal environment, the government should provide us with separate vehicles and other facilities including security, as many a time I have received verbal threats from local tribesmen for coming alone to the schools in public transport, because Pakhtuns do not tolerate that women come out of houses alone," she says.
Zahida is of the opinion that it is impossible for men to teach at a girls' school in the tribal areas. "Pakhtun culture does not allow male teachers in girls' schools. Our school lacks staff. There are no teachers to teach the subjects of Physics, Urdu, History, Pakistan Studies, Civics, Computer Science and Chemistry," she says.
The teachers of the school also say there is no librarian, clerk and lab assistant in the school.
Besides the ineffective government policies, the strict code of conduct for women in the area is also a major impediment to spread girls' education. Commentators allege that maximum funds allocated each year to FATA education directorate do not end up where they should.
In comparison with Peshawar, where girl students have many choices as far as getting admissions is concerned, FATA has very few colleges and just one university. Sabaoon, a student of grade 8, says: "We must have the right to education, but unfortunately, our traditions are hindering us." Nadia Ashraf and Nimra Shinwari, both students of class 10, say: "education is necessary for a bright future but we are not satisfied with the performance of the only government school in Landikotal." They demand the government to set up more girls' schools in the area.
Residents of Landikotal cite various reasons for the lack of women education. According to Shamsul Amin, a private school teacher, early marriages of girls obstruct their education. He says that the education officer of Khyber Agency is running ghosts schools, which are an injustice to the poor masses and an unnecessary burden on the public kitty.
The educated community and social circles often demand of the government and NGOs to launch an awareness drive for girls' education in Landikotal. Jabir Shinwari, a university student, criticises the education managers of FATA and says that every government has denied educational facilities to the residents and that is the reason that unlike settled areas, education cannot develop in the tribal areas.
Muhammad Amin, a businessman from Landikotal, is not in favour of girls' education. "We do not want our girls to receive education, because an educated girl does not follow our Pakhtun culture and traditions," he says.
"The government claims to be spending millions on education in FATA, but this is merely lip service," says Hazrat Ali, a student of Landikotal Government Degree College. "The government can flush out extremism out of the tribal areas through better education," he adds.
However, Akhtar Rehaman Afridi, Landikotal Assistant Education Officer, speaks highly of girls' education in the tribal areas. "There are 250 girls' schools in Khyber Agency and we are doing our utmost to provide girls' schools with maximum facilities," he says, adding: "There are 47 primary schools, five middle schools and one higher secondary school in FATA, but the education department is keen on setting up more girls' schools to accommodate the rest of the students."
Asked if the government was taking steps to set up more schools in Landikotal and to provide staff to the only girls' school there, Afridi says: "The government recruits most teachers through the Public Service Commission and intends to construct more girls' schools in Landikotal and to provide them with staff. The girls' schools that lack teachers will be soon catered to."

Tale of Two Dictators

Some may term it an astrological surprise that the birthday of Pakistan's two dictators -- General Zia ul Haq and General (r) Pervez Musharraf -- falls one after the other. Zia was born on Aug 12, 1924 and Musharraf on Aug 11, 1943. It makes this "superstition" more intriguing when we note that Zia died as president of Pakistan on Aug 17, while Musharraf resigned from his post on Aug 18.
Zia joined the British Indian Army in New Delhi in 1943, the year when Musharraf was born and both fought the 1965 and 1971 wars against India.
General Zia was born in Jalandhar while General Musharraf was born in Delhi and the parents of both migrated to Pakistan after partition. Embedded in Mohajir identity, both overthrew the governments of prime ministers who had bypassed five senior generals to appoint them army chiefs. Some reports suggest that both were under scrutiny when the 1965 war broke out between India and Pakistan but their cases were closed because of the emergency situation.

Quick chronology

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's is the longest martial rule in Pakistan, which continued for 11 years from 1977-1988. Appointed Chief of Army Staff in 1976, General Zia-ul-Haq came to power after he overthrew the elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on July 5, 1977 and imposed Martial Law. He assumed the post of President of Pakistan in 1978 which he held till his death on Aug 17, 1988.
General (r) Pervez Musharraf rose to the rank of a general and was appointed as the Chief of Army Staff on Oct 7, 1998 when Pakistan's army chief, General Jehangir Karamat, resigned. General Musharraf was given additional charge of Chairman Joint Chiefs Staff Committee on April 9, 1999. On Oct 12, 1999, when through a bloodless coup the military took over the government in Pakistan, Musharraf became the head of the state designated as the chief executive. He assumed the office of President of Pakistan on June 20, 2001. In order to legitimise and legalise his rule, General (r) Pervez Musharraf held a referendum on April 30, 2002 thereby elected as President of Pakistan for a duration of five years.
In accordance with the deal with MMA (Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal), he agreed to leave the army on Dec 31, 2004 but continued to serve a five-year term as president, as he got a vote of confidence on January 1, 2004, from the parliament and the four provincial assemblies under the provision of the 17th Amendment passed by the National Assembly and the Senate.
Then again in another controversial move, Musharraf got himself elected for five years from the outgoing assemblies on Oct 6, 2007.

A shared doctrine

The action of overthrowing the elected governments by Zia and Musharraf was challenged in the courts but their overstepping was justified by the incumbent courts on the precedence of "doctrine of necessity" first introduced by Justice Munir in the Maulvi Tameezuddin case. In the case of Musharraf, however, the superior court not only legitimised his coup but extended the favour to let him amend the constitution at his will.
Referendum was another similar strategy employed by both military rulers through which they resumed presidency. The process and results of both the referendums were never accepted nor endorsed by political forces and independent analysts.
Both dictators grafted Pakistan Muslim League as their public face and handpicked politicians through a carrot and stick policy. If MQM was established in the Zia regime, its fullest utility was reaped by Musharraf as he always banked upon MQM as his ethnic constituency.

Common mentor

US emerged as their common mentor in securing the lease for their regimes from popular outrage and domestic resistance. The successive historical events indicate that domestic dictatorships in Pakistan were strategically subsidised by the foreign democracies. In the particular cases of Zia and Musharraf regimes, a popular perception suggests that Pakistan's security establishment was employed as a "client" to American interests and designs. First, in the Afghan Jihad and now in the 'war on terror', Pakistan entered into an active partnership with American adventures and military campaigns under the leadership of two military dictators -- first under Zia and then under Musharraf.
Some reports suggest that in 1979, President Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Soviet "invaders" in Afghanistan. "He went from being portrayed as just another military dictator to a champion of the free world by the Western media," a report suggested. Jimmy Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in aid over three years. He also signed the funding in 1980 that allowed less than $50 million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan came to office, defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed. Aid to the Afghan resistance, and to Pakistan, increased substantially. The United States, faced with a rival superpower looking as if it were to create another Communist bloc, engaged Zia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in Afghanistan against the Soviets.
A declassified document titled "Coordination Program for Combating Communism" dated August 7, 1951 outlined the American designs: "to destroy communist influence and develop a positive (counter) program based on the new national ideals of Pakistan." One of the purposes of this strategy enlisted in the dispatch suggested: "To show the communists as anti-God and therefore a threat to the continued existence of Muslim world as a free and independent religio-political entity."
This is the political and historical context in which American president Reagan termed the USSR an "evil empire" and engaged the Pakistan army under Zia in the "Afghan War." As a religious crusader, Zia made a para-military strategy to recruit Mujahideen and unleash a "proxy" war in Afghanistan. Religious elements became the building blocks for his regime.

Ideological divergence

But some two decades later, these building blocks for one dictator became the stumbling blocks for another; when Musharraf had to abandon his "boys" against the backdrop of 9/11.
War on terror led by America again dictated the change in Pakistan's strategy and Musharraf allowed military and intelligence support to NATO forces who designed to attack Afghanistan. Musharraf became the most important ally in the war on terror. America and Pakistan had to resume their place in the same battlefield which they left in 1989 after the withdrawal of Russian troops. But this time their target was their own nursery which had once implemented their war plans in the rugged mountains of Afghanistan. As a result, a new insurgency has erupted not only on the Pak-Afghan borders but within the settled areas of Pakistan.
In the Zia regime, the protesting workers of Colony Textile Mills in Multan were besieged and targeted by the security forces, which enraged the populace. This time, in the Musharraf regime, it was Lal Masjid which brought accusations of brutality against the regime and a subsequent retaliation by the suicide bombers. Perhaps this was because of a perceived shift in the dictator's paradigm -- from "Islamisation" and "jihad" to "enlightened moderation" and liberalism.
If in the name of Islamisation a spate of sectarianism was flourished, suicide bombing was harvested by the architects of "enlightened moderation." A huge cost for an experimentation with dictatorship. It is, however, interesting to note that beneficiaries of one martial law become the protesters of other. And the tale of two dictators still continues. Neither did it end with the plane crash nor will it end with resignation. If peace is an interval between two wars, democracy is an interval between two dictatorships, at least in Pakistan.

The worst out of the whole lot

If he had his way, President General (Retd) Pervez Musharraf would have ruled Pakistan forever. He had made almost fool-proof political and legal arrangements to make sure that his rule remained unchallenged. The constitution had been sufficiently amended to suit his designs, judiciary tamed by sacking unwanted judges and replacing them with pliant ones, and political deals made with politicians once loathed by him. And before giving up command of the Pakistan Army last year, he had appointed his trusted generals in important positions.

In his estimation, all these measures were enough to see off any challenge to his rule. The immediate plan was to stay in power for the next five years. Nothing was left to chance and care was taken to be able to tackle every eventuality.

The president was convinced that the Pakistan Army would never abandon him. He had great expectations from his former institution and his chosen successor, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani. Otherwise an intelligent man, he failed to realise that the army command couldn't sustain an unpopular president in power for long. Doing so would have made the army even more controversial and further tarnished its reputation.

The retired General also believed that the US would back him all the way. He had valid reasons to do so. He had been the staunchest US ally in Pakistan's history and had taken it upon himself to fight America's "war on terror" in Pakistan. For President Bush and his government, nobody mattered in Pakistan except Musharraf. Military dictators, kings and authoritarian rulers suited Washington as it meant dealing with one strong person and getting things done. Doing business with democratically elected prime ministers, presidents and parliaments could be time-consuming and messy affairs. Someone headstrong as Musharraf, who prided on his being a commando, was even better.

However, Musharraf forgot that he lost his utility for the US after stepping down as the Army chief. It was time for the Americans to shift their attention to the new Chief of Army Staff in Pakistan. Musharraf was occasionally praised for his contribution as a US ally in the "war on terror" but now the emphasis was on building ties with the popularly-elected, PPP-led democratic government and befriending General Kayani.

General Musharraf's downfall began when he reluctantly agreed last year to remove his army uniform. It wasn't that Musharraf was unaware of the power of the khaki. He knew that his authority stemmed from the uniform, which in his words was his second skin. He made every effort to delay doffing the uniform and even went back on his promise to the six-party religious alliance, MMA, to do so as part of a deal. This promise was made publicly on television and Musharraf lost whatever little credibility he had after reneging on it. His lust for power kept pushing him to back out of promises and take impulsive actions such as the imposition of Emergency Rule on November 3 last year and demanding resignation from Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry earlier on March 9. The latter's defiance laid the foundation of the tireless and glorious lawyers' movement that weakened Musharraf's hold on power. The imposition of emergency and removal of the 60 or so superior court judges temporarily restored Musharraf's authority but it was by now obvious that he was fighting for his survival. He had again used his General's uniform while ordering the November 3 action but Emergency Rule, or his second martial law, failed to deter the brave lawyers and the upright judges or browbeat political workers and the media.

Musharraf never intended to step down. He inordinately delayed his decision to resign even though the writing on the wall was clear. Perhaps he was hoping for some miracle to happen to save his throne. His supporters, dwindling in numbers and short of enthusiasm, feebly urged him to fight back. Some of his supporters hinted that the embattled president may use Article 58(2)(b) of the constitution one last time to send Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani home and dismiss the assemblies. Others advised him to cancel the misnamed National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), a discriminatory piece of law benefiting the rich and the powerful by cleansing them of charges of corruption and abuse of power. NRO surely benefited Asif Ali Zardari but it was also beneficial for scores of members of Altaf Hussain's MQM, which steadfastly stood by Musharraf until it realised toward the end that supporting the ex-president beyond that point would be counter-productive. Musharraf was even advised by some of his men to restore the deposed judges including Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and undo the wrong before stepping down. A stubborn and egoistic Musharraf wasn't going to heed such an advice.

Musharraf was fond of raising his fist commando-style and reminding everyone that he was a fighter and knew no retreat. However, all this brave talk evaporated in thin air when he chose to resign on August 18 instead of facing impeachment proceedings. Apparently, he agreed to quit in return for indemnity for his misdeeds.

On May 12 last year he had used the wrong occasion to clench his fist at a public rally in Islamabad and declare that "people's power" had kept deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry from entering MQM-ruled Karachi. It was insensitive on the part of the president of the country to make such a comment on a day when 48 innocent Pakistanis were mercilessly gunned down in the streets of Karachi. Instead of ordering a judicial probe and punishing the perpetrators of this crime, he arrogantly refused an enquiry and resisted efforts by judges from the Sindh High Court to do so on their own. The ex-president certainly committed high treason by twice abrogating the constitution, harmed Pakistan's interest by undertaking the ill-fated Kargil adventure, weakened the federation of Pakistan by ordering military operations in Balochistan and killing Nawab Akbar Bugti, and exposed the country to bloodbath by bringing America's "war on terror" to the tribal belt bordering Afghanistan. All these were monumental mistakes for which he must be held accountable. But the callous manner in which he reacted to the killings of the 48 people in Karachi on May 12 cannot be forgotten or forgiven.

Throughout his eight years and ten-month rule, Musharraf tried in vain to win legitimacy for his unconstitutional rule. He also tried but failed to gain the trust of his people. No tears were shed when he departed and there is no proud legacy of this sad and tortured character from our eventful history. Pakistan has suffered at the hands of military dictators with Musharraf arguably being the worst of the lot. One can only hope and pray that his unceremonious and un-mourned fall from grace would deter other generals from imposing military dictatorship and bless Pakistan with rule of law.

Environment anomalies

It is a step in the right direction by the NWFP government to have formed a four-member inquiry committee to look into the alleged financial irregularities amounting to Rs7.233 million in the fund allocated in the Annual Development Programme (ADP) for the Department of Environment. Headed by Hussain Zada Khan, provincial secretary for environment, the probe body - comprising director planning, audit officer budget and account and section officer general - will look into the allegations that widespread malpractices were committed in the sector of forests and Environment Protection Authority (EPA) during the rule of the MMA government.
According to details, the government had approved Rs37.6777 million for the projects started in the sector of forestry. Out of this allocation, Rs31.104 million were shown as having been spent and Rs6.573 million shown as having lapsed but the lapsed amount is missing from all available records. Similarly, for projects started in the sector of EPA, Rs8.973 million were allocated out of which Rs8.643 million were shown as spent while Rs0.330 million shown as having lapsed but in this case too the available files are silent about the lapsed amount. In this way a collective amount of Rs80,00,000 stands unaccounted for.
Due to better climatic conditions and the availability of natural resources, the state of environment in NWFP is slightly better than it is in other provinces. However, the natural resources have been under tremendous strain due to the arrival of refugees from various directions. Lack of awareness among the general masses about environment plus a glut of dishonest officials have played havoc with the very concept of a clean environment. Corrupt officials are understood to have put the government money where their mouth was. The probe body should, therefore, submit its report to the chief secretary at the earliest so that the department can be cleared of the black sheep.

Impeachment: A history-making Issue

At this juncture in national history, the issue is whether President Musharraf should face impeachment, or he should quit to avoid impeachment. The latter alternative is a matter of evaluation here in order to arrive at a definite conclusion.
The Law Minister, Farooq Naek, as reported in the national press, stated that the President should resign to spare Pakistan the trauma of a bitter impeachment process. Further, some ten PML-Q MPs wanted President Musharraf to resign, receive safe exit, and any resolution in the National Assembly for the impeachment should be avoided. Furthermore, Australian foreign minister is reported to have stated that President's impeachment had "international implications," and asked for a "quick resolution of the dispute." The reason underlying this viewpoint was that continuing instability could hurt efforts in the war on terror in the Pak-Afghan border area.
For comparison, and inferences to be drawn relevant to the ongoing issue in Pakistan, impeachment process involving President Nixon of the U.S. affords a meaningful study. The Watergate break-in occurred in June 1972, and shortly afterwards it was leaked out to the public. Subsequently, the three charges or articles of impeachment voted in by the House Committee in July 1973 were: (i) The obstruction of justice; (ii) abuse of power; & (iii) unconstitutional defying of the committee subpoenas. These charges were the result of an elaborate, extended & nationally televised House Committee proceedings.
Noteworthy fact is that the charges for impeachment of President Nixon were meticulously established in front of the nation to serve as a positive precedent in future. It was only afterwards that President Nixon was allowed the option to resign in August 1973. Henry Kissinger in his Years of Upheaval observed that in spite of all the turmoil caused by the Watergate break-in scandal, it was viewed by some astute individuals, even in the beginning of the tribulation, that the Watergate would bring a democratic revival. And that the U.S. Congress could not remain unaffected by the public mood.
In the political and constitutional history of Pakistan, it is a precedent-setting occasion that an incumbent president is likely to be impeached. Any undue and unwarranted haste in the matter, much less to scuttle it through his resignation, not to speak of providing him a safe exit, will be an unjustifiable act, which is likely to stand out as a blot in the nation’s political history. As illustrated by the already stated instance from the U.S. history, the ensuing steps are to be incorporated in the impeachment proceedings: 1. To duly register the public temperament; 2. framing of impeachment charges; 3. Parliamentary proceedings, along with final facts related to charges consequent to investigations made available in advance; 4. and, at the end, final option is to be considered by the Parliament for the prosecution.
Noteworthy, is the fact, despite all the concerns of a superpower, the Watergate issue and hearings in the U.S. lasted almost 14 months. The cited instance affords inference that no unwarranted haste is indicated in the impeachment proceedings contemplated here in Pakistan.
In accordance with Article 47, the Parliament (joint sitting) is entitled to "investigate or cause to be investigated" the charge for the impeachment. The grounds comprise violation of the Constitution or gross misconduct. In this perspective, the President's Oath of Office under Article 42, Third Schedule, is quite relevant as well. In addition to other charges to be framed, the following charges are suggested which are to be "investigated" or "cause to be investigated" by the Parliament: (i) The national foreign policy for Afghanistan, abetting its foreign military occupation, (ii) as well as zero non-production of additional electricity under President Musharraf; (iii) implications of the President's press conference in Seoul on 7 November 03, (reported the next day in the Daily Times) concerning the nuclear disclosures as state secrets are not to be disclosed; and, (iv) last but not least, national policy related to Indo-U.S. nuclear deal, which in its existing form is tantamount to facilitating the deal. The salutary consequences of the outlined measures will be far-reaching in the nation's future, which are direly needed to inaugurate the revival of national institutions.
It is to be fully appreciated that impeachment is a political process, and charges for it are a matter of political judgement of the parliamentarians, unlike the possibility of a subsequent prosecution if called for, which is a legal process. As this nation is in search of an ascendant trajectory of its course, so in (John) Miltonian sense it has to begin to convert its "vices" into "virtues", and such a precedent-setting occasion is at hand.