If he had his way, President General (Retd) Pervez Musharraf would have ruled Pakistan forever. He had made almost fool-proof political and legal arrangements to make sure that his rule remained unchallenged. The constitution had been sufficiently amended to suit his designs, judiciary tamed by sacking unwanted judges and replacing them with pliant ones, and political deals made with politicians once loathed by him. And before giving up command of the Pakistan Army last year, he had appointed his trusted generals in important positions.
In his estimation, all these measures were enough to see off any challenge to his rule. The immediate plan was to stay in power for the next five years. Nothing was left to chance and care was taken to be able to tackle every eventuality.
The president was convinced that the Pakistan Army would never abandon him. He had great expectations from his former institution and his chosen successor, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani. Otherwise an intelligent man, he failed to realise that the army command couldn't sustain an unpopular president in power for long. Doing so would have made the army even more controversial and further tarnished its reputation.
The retired General also believed that the US would back him all the way. He had valid reasons to do so. He had been the staunchest US ally in Pakistan's history and had taken it upon himself to fight America's "war on terror" in Pakistan. For President Bush and his government, nobody mattered in Pakistan except Musharraf. Military dictators, kings and authoritarian rulers suited Washington as it meant dealing with one strong person and getting things done. Doing business with democratically elected prime ministers, presidents and parliaments could be time-consuming and messy affairs. Someone headstrong as Musharraf, who prided on his being a commando, was even better.
However, Musharraf forgot that he lost his utility for the US after stepping down as the Army chief. It was time for the Americans to shift their attention to the new Chief of Army Staff in Pakistan. Musharraf was occasionally praised for his contribution as a US ally in the "war on terror" but now the emphasis was on building ties with the popularly-elected, PPP-led democratic government and befriending General Kayani.
General Musharraf's downfall began when he reluctantly agreed last year to remove his army uniform. It wasn't that Musharraf was unaware of the power of the khaki. He knew that his authority stemmed from the uniform, which in his words was his second skin. He made every effort to delay doffing the uniform and even went back on his promise to the six-party religious alliance, MMA, to do so as part of a deal. This promise was made publicly on television and Musharraf lost whatever little credibility he had after reneging on it. His lust for power kept pushing him to back out of promises and take impulsive actions such as the imposition of Emergency Rule on November 3 last year and demanding resignation from Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry earlier on March 9. The latter's defiance laid the foundation of the tireless and glorious lawyers' movement that weakened Musharraf's hold on power. The imposition of emergency and removal of the 60 or so superior court judges temporarily restored Musharraf's authority but it was by now obvious that he was fighting for his survival. He had again used his General's uniform while ordering the November 3 action but Emergency Rule, or his second martial law, failed to deter the brave lawyers and the upright judges or browbeat political workers and the media.
Musharraf never intended to step down. He inordinately delayed his decision to resign even though the writing on the wall was clear. Perhaps he was hoping for some miracle to happen to save his throne. His supporters, dwindling in numbers and short of enthusiasm, feebly urged him to fight back. Some of his supporters hinted that the embattled president may use Article 58(2)(b) of the constitution one last time to send Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani home and dismiss the assemblies. Others advised him to cancel the misnamed National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), a discriminatory piece of law benefiting the rich and the powerful by cleansing them of charges of corruption and abuse of power. NRO surely benefited Asif Ali Zardari but it was also beneficial for scores of members of Altaf Hussain's MQM, which steadfastly stood by Musharraf until it realised toward the end that supporting the ex-president beyond that point would be counter-productive. Musharraf was even advised by some of his men to restore the deposed judges including Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and undo the wrong before stepping down. A stubborn and egoistic Musharraf wasn't going to heed such an advice.
Musharraf was fond of raising his fist commando-style and reminding everyone that he was a fighter and knew no retreat. However, all this brave talk evaporated in thin air when he chose to resign on August 18 instead of facing impeachment proceedings. Apparently, he agreed to quit in return for indemnity for his misdeeds.
On May 12 last year he had used the wrong occasion to clench his fist at a public rally in Islamabad and declare that "people's power" had kept deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry from entering MQM-ruled Karachi. It was insensitive on the part of the president of the country to make such a comment on a day when 48 innocent Pakistanis were mercilessly gunned down in the streets of Karachi. Instead of ordering a judicial probe and punishing the perpetrators of this crime, he arrogantly refused an enquiry and resisted efforts by judges from the Sindh High Court to do so on their own. The ex-president certainly committed high treason by twice abrogating the constitution, harmed Pakistan's interest by undertaking the ill-fated Kargil adventure, weakened the federation of Pakistan by ordering military operations in Balochistan and killing Nawab Akbar Bugti, and exposed the country to bloodbath by bringing America's "war on terror" to the tribal belt bordering Afghanistan. All these were monumental mistakes for which he must be held accountable. But the callous manner in which he reacted to the killings of the 48 people in Karachi on May 12 cannot be forgotten or forgiven.
Throughout his eight years and ten-month rule, Musharraf tried in vain to win legitimacy for his unconstitutional rule. He also tried but failed to gain the trust of his people. No tears were shed when he departed and there is no proud legacy of this sad and tortured character from our eventful history. Pakistan has suffered at the hands of military dictators with Musharraf arguably being the worst of the lot. One can only hope and pray that his unceremonious and un-mourned fall from grace would deter other generals from imposing military dictatorship and bless Pakistan with rule of law.
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